The GiveWell Blog

Why you shouldn’t let “donation matching” affect your giving

We know that donors love donation matching.* We know that if we could offer donation matching on gifts to our top charities this giving season, our money moved would rise. And we know that we could offer donation matching if we thought it was the right thing to do: there are donors planning six-figure gifts to our top charities this year who would almost certainly be willing to structure their gifts as “matches” if we asked. (It might not be possible to “match” all of our money moved, but we could almost certainly provide “matching” for a short period, which would motivate people to give during that period and would also provide us with some data on the impact of matching on our audience.)

But we’ve decided not to do this because we would feel dishonest. We’d be advertising that you can “double your gift,” but the truth would be that we just restructured a gift from a six-figure donor that was going to happen anyway. We’ve discussed whether we might be able to provide “true” donation matching – finding a donor who would give to our top charities only on condition that others did – but not surprisingly, everyone we could think of who would be open to making a large gift to our top charities would be open to this whether or not we could match them up with smaller donors. Ultimately, the only match we can offer is illusory matching.

I don’t deny that non-illusory matching may exist in some other circumstances. A couple possibilities:

  • Coordination matching. A charity needs to raise a specific amount for a specific purpose. A large funder (the “matcher”) is happy to contribute part of the amount needed as long as the specific purpose is achieved; therefore, the matcher makes the gift conditional on other gifts.
  • Influence matching. The matcher wishes both to support a particular charity and to encourage others to give to that charity. Therefore, the matcher makes a legitimate commitment to give only if others do, in an attempt to influence their giving.

In both of these cases, it may seem at first glance that a one-to-one match really does “double” your donation, but I don’t think it’s quite that simple.

Regarding coordination matching – I would guess it’s relatively common for a funder to say privately, for example, “I’ll give $100,000 if you can raise the remaining needed $900,000.” But there are a couple of problems when it comes to advertising this situation as a “match.” First, saying “every $9 you give will be matched with $1 from a major donor” wouldn’t be very psychologically compelling – matches rarely go below the 1:1 threshold. Second, even if the funder were providing enough for a 1:1 match, it still wouldn’t be quite true that each $1 was matched with another $1: the match would occur only in the case that the total amount needed was raised. So while “coordination matching” is a possibility, we would guess that it rarely explains the “each $1 you give will be matched by $1” campaigns commonly used in fundraising.

Influence matching is something I think impact-maximizing donors ought to be concerned about. In the short run, influence matching makes it true that your $1 donation results in $2 donated to the charity in question. But it also means that you’ve let the matching funder influence your giving – perhaps pulling you away from the most impactful charity (in your judgment) to a less impactful one – just by the way they structured their gift. By giving, you are rewarding this behavior by the matching funder, and you may be encouraging them to take future unconditional gifts and turn them into conditional gifts, because of the ability to sway other donors.

Perhaps, rather than giving your $1 to the charity the matching funder is pushing, you should fight back by structuring your own influence matching – making a conditional commitment to the highest-impact charity you can find, in order to pull other dollars in toward it.

For the average donation match, it’s unclear to what extent the match represents illusory matching vs. coordination matching vs. influence matching. My guess is that coordination matching is by far the least common (since it requires such a specific set of circumstances to hold) and that illusory matching is the norm (since this is generally the easiest to offer, and since donors don’t tend to distinguish between the different types when they decide where and how much to give).

Corporate matching programs sometimes match only gifts to specific charities; in this case I think it’s best to think of them as “influence matching.” If the company offered matching to any charity (as some companies do) and/or simply made gifts to the charities of its choice, it would no longer be pushing its employees to support specific charities. If you are employed at a company offering matching only on specific charities, I recommend pushing for a change in policy (to unconditional gifts to charities and/or unconditional matching for employees, as other companies do) rather than perpetuating a dynamic where your company’s corporate philanthropy team decides where you give.

In general, I advise donors seeking to maximize their impact to simply support the most impactful charity possible, and not to factor in the presence or absence of donation matching either way. If you support a less impactful charity due to the presence of a match, you may be having more total impact, but you also may be having substantially less (in the case of illusory matching) and/or contributing a dynamic that leads to less effective giving broadly (a risk both for influence matching and illusory matching).

GiveWell may offer donation matching sometime in the future. If so, we will be explicit about whether it is influence matching or coordination matching (we wouldn’t be comfortable offering illusory matching, except perhaps as a joke – i.e., “If you’re thinking of giving to another charity just because of a donation match, let us know and we’ll get your donation to a top-rated charity matched”). If we do implement influence matching, it will be to (a) fully neutralize the effect of other matches on impact-oriented donors, further encouraging them to support the most impactful charities possible; (b) raise money from non-impact-oriented donors who are happy to have their donation “matched” despite the logic above.

*“Donation matching” refers to when a large funder offers to give $X to a particular charity for every $Y other people give – for example, “For every $1 you give to this charity, a large funder will contribute another $1, doubling your impact!” For more, see the 2007 study on donation matching by Dean Karlan.

Deciding between two outstanding charities

We’ve recently published our updated charity recommendations, featuring two top charities (Against Malaria Foundation and Schistosomiasis Control Initiative) that score well on all of our criteria. In this post, we discuss how we decided which of these two charities to rank #1 and which to rank #2.

Both charities are executing health programs that deliver significant and very cheap help to people in the developing world. Both have strong track records and transparency, as well as concrete plans for how to use future donations.

Here’s what we see as the major relative pros and cons:

SCI has a more complete and convincing case that its past activities have had the intended outcomes.

  • AMF has consistently gotten nets delivered to communities – and given the strong evidence on the impact of nets, this in itself is stronger evidence of impact than for nearly any other charity we’ve seen – but there are still some gaps in the picture. We aren’t sure whether, or for how long, nets are used properly, and we don’t have data on what has happened to malaria prevalence (though our research on nets in general has led us to believe that neither of these is a huge concern). AMF has made credible commitments to future data collection on both of these fronts (and has collected some data for the former).
  • By contrast, SCI’s evidence shows substantial drops in disease prevalence. This evidence has some issues (which we discuss in the review), but overall we find it convincing.

This consideration is balanced somewhat by the fact that we are more confident in the quality-of-life significance of reducing malaria than of reducing parasitic infections.

AMF has more upside.

  • It’s smaller, and appears to be earlier in its development (having just begun its first larger-scale distribution); the chance that GiveWell-influenced money can be crucial in its development is therefore higher.
  • It’s working in an area – distribution of nets – where (a) an enormous amount of money is spent each year* (b) data on long-term usage and malaria prevalence following distributions still looks to us to be pretty thin. Well-executed and well-documented distributions could be valuable as pilots and as information for the hundreds of millions of dollars worth of other distributions going on.

We have more confidence in AMF as an organization. Both AMF and SCI are outstanding on this front: both are transparent and accountable with strong track records, and both have answered all our questions well. However,

  • We’ve consistently (for more than a year now) found AMF noticeably easier to communicate with, and found it to address our concerns noticeably more clearly and directly. With AMF, we are more confident that we have gotten our questions fully answered, that we won’t later hear about something we should have heard about before, and that we will be able to learn about how our funds end up being used and whether things end up going well or poorly.
  • SCI’s evaluation is outstanding, but may have been driven by its major funders (the Gates Foundation; DFID). With AMF, we are more convinced that the organization itself is committed to skeptical self-questioning, evaluation and improvement based on evaluation.
  • Very broadly, all GiveWell staff agree that we have more general confidence in AMF’s operations and management than SCI’s. This is a completely subjective judgment call that isn’t attributable to any particular event – it’s just a general feeling based on the hours of conversations we’ve had with both organizations. This leads us to be more confident that AMF would make decisions we would ultimately agree with or understand in the face of new circumstances.

We are sufficiently confident in the people behind both SCI and AMF to feature them as top charities, but our confidence for AMF is higher, and if we kept this information to ourselves we wouldn’t feel that we’re telling donors the whole story. Ultimately, it’s hard to be 100% sure of how your money will be used before you give it; confidence in the people you’re giving to is an important factor.

We are more confident in malaria-related research than in deworming-related research. This is as topic we’ll be writing about more in the future. In brief,

  • We have done extensive research on both nets and deworming. Studies on the former have consistently raised fewer unanswered questions and red flags than studies on the latter.
  • Despite the work we’ve done, we still have many unanswered questions about both deworming and nets.
  • We would guess that our unanswered questions will result in fewer negative adjustments for the nets, because we find the research – and by extension, the researchers – around nets to be more reliable.

The most important deciding factor for us comes down to a combination of cost-effectiveness and room for more funding.

  • We believe that in general, the vast bulk of SCI’s expenditures go toward deworming children rather than adults (see the example of Yemen), and that this is a good thing because a major part of the case for deworming is the possibility of developmental impacts for people treated in childhood.
  • We believe that deworming children is cost-effective – perhaps not quite as cost-effective (by our estimations) as net distribution, but close enough to make it a non-obvious call between the two.
  • However, the activities that SCI would fund with additional dollars (in the range of what we’re likely to be able to send their way) look a bit different. Note that in Mozambique, the plan is to take children who have already been selected for planned every-other-year deworming and instead deworm them every year; we have little information to shed light on the likely marginal benefit here. Other potential activities include deworming selected and particularly at-risk adults. Overall, we feel that these activities will still accomplish substantial good, but that they’re unlikely to be as cost-effective as standard deworming of children.

Bottom line. SCI is among the best giving opportunities we’ve ever seen, and we recommend it to donors. However, GiveWell staff unanimously find AMF to be an even stronger opportunity.

There are obviously a lot of judgment calls here, and we are hoping to move substantial donations to each organization so that we can follow the progress of each and learn more for the future (we see this opportunity to learn as a major value in and of itself, in terms of making us better able to maximize the impact of future donations).

*See pages 12-13 of the World Malaria Report: in 2009-2010, the Global Fund and PMI alone spent ~$1.5 billion a year on malaria control, of which about 1/3 was for nets specifically.

Conference call discussing our top charities, Dec. 8, 7p Eastern

We put a lot of effort into making our research process and reasoning transparent so that anyone can understand and vet the thinking behind our charity recommendations.

Consistent with this, we will be holding a conference call on December 8, 7p Eastern, open to anyone who registers via our online form. Staff will take questions by email and answer them over the conference line.

If you can’t make this date but would be interested in joining another call at a later date, you can indicate this on the registration form.

If you’re thinking of giving to one of our top charities this year, or you’re just curious about our thinking, we welcome you to join.

Register for the Dec. 8 GiveWell Conference Call

If you’ve already emailed us about your intention to attend, there’s no need to submit the form.

Top charities for holiday season 2011: Against Malaria Foundation and Schistosomiasis Control Initiative

GiveWell has published our annual update on how to accomplish as much good as possible with your donations.

Our top two charities – out of hundreds we’ve examined – are (1) the Against Malaria Foundation, which fights malaria using insecticide-treated bednets, and (2) the Schistosomiasis Control Initiative, which treats children for intestinal worms.

Our update is the result of a full year of intensive research: examining hundreds of charities, contacting the most promising ones, and completing in-depth investigations that include

  • Conversations with representatives
  • Examination of internal documentation including monitoring and evaluation reports, budgets, and plans for using additional funding
  • Reviewing independent literature and evidence of effectiveness of the charities’ programs
  • Site visits to charities’ work in the field

We have published the full details of our process, including a list of all charities examined and reviews for those examined in-depth.

Our top two charities are outstanding on all fronts. They execute proven, cost-effective programs for helping people. They have strong track records. They have concrete future plans and room for more funding. They are transparent and accountable to donors.

We also have identified five other standout organizations for donors interested in other causes. These are GiveDirectly (cash grants to poor households in Kenya), Innovations for Poverty Action (research on how to fight poverty and promote development), Nyaya Health (healthcare in rural Nepal), Pratham (primary education in India), and Small Enterprise Foundation (microfinance in South Africa).

Note that last year’s top-rated charity, VillageReach, does not have projected short-term funding needs (it expects to be able to meet these needs with funds not driven by GiveWell), as discussed previously.

The charities above all work in the developing world. Our top recommendation for donors who want to support causes in the United States is KIPP Houston, an outstanding charter schools facing budget cuts.

Over the last year, we drove over $1.6 million to our top-rated charities. We hope to drive substantially more over the coming year.

Maximizing cost-effectiveness via critical inquiry

We’ve recently been writing about the shortcomings of formal cost-effectiveness estimation (i.e., trying to estimate how much good, as measured in lives saved, DALYs or other units, is accomplished per dollar spent). After conceptually arguing that cost-effectiveness estimates can’t be taken literally when they are not robust, we found major problems in one of the most prominent sources of cost-effectiveness estimates for aid, and generalized from these problems to discuss major hurdles to usefulness faced by the endeavor of formal cost-effectiveness estimation.

Despite these misgivings, we would be determined to make cost-effectiveness estimates work, if we thought this were the only way to figure out how to allocate resources for maximal impact. But we don’t. This post argues that when information quality is poor, the best way to maximize cost-effectiveness is to examine charities from as many different angles as possible – looking for ways in which their stories can be checked against reality – and support the charities that have a combination of reasonably high estimated cost-effectiveness and maximally robust evidence. This is the approach GiveWell has taken since our inception, and it is more similar to investigative journalism or early-stage research (other domains in which people look for surprising but valid claims in low-information environments) than to formal estimation of numerical quantities.

The rest of this post

  • Conceptually illustrates (using the mathematical framework laid out previously) the value of examining charities from different angles when seeking to maximize cost-effectiveness.
  • Discusses how this conceptual approach matches the approach GiveWell has taken since inception.

Conceptual illustration
I previously laid out a framework for making a “Bayesian adjustment” to a cost-effectiveness estimate. I stated (and posted the mathematical argument) that when considering a given cost-effectiveness estimate, one must also consider one’s prior distribution (i.e., what is predicted for the value of one’s actions by other life experience and evidence) and the variance of the estimate error around the cost-effectiveness estimate (i.e., how much room for error the estimate has). This section works off of that framework to illustrate the potential importance of examining charities from multiple angles – relative to formally estimating their cost-effectiveness – in low-information environments.

I don’t wish to present this illustration either as official GiveWell analysis or as “the reason” that we believe what we do. This is more of an illustration/explication of my views than a justification; GiveWell has implicitly (and intuitively) operated consistent with the conclusions of this analysis, long before we had a way of formalizing these conclusions or the model behind them. Furthermore, while the conclusions are broadly shared by GiveWell staff, the formal illustration of them should only be attributed to me.

The model

Suppose that:

  • Your prior over the “good accomplished per $1000 given to a charity” is normally distributed with mean 0 and standard deviation 1 (denoted from this point on as N(0,1)). Note that I’m not saying that you believe the average donation has zero effectiveness; I’m just denoting whatever you believe about the impact of your donations in units of standard deviations, such that 0 represents the impact your $1000 has when given to an “average” charity and 1 represents the impact your $1000 has when given to “a charity one standard deviation better than average” (top 16% of charities).
  • You are considering a particular charity, and your back-of-the-envelope initial estimate of the good accomplished by $1000 given to this charity is represented by X. It is a very rough estimate and could easily be completely wrong: specifically, it has a normally distributed “estimate error” with mean 0 (the estimate is as likely to be too optimistic as too pessimistic) and standard deviation X (so 16% of the time, the actual impact of your $1000 will be 0 or “average”).* Thus, your estimate is denoted as N(X,X).

The implications

I use “initial estimate” to refer to the formal cost-effectiveness estimate you create for a charity – along the lines of the DCP2 estimates or Back of the Envelope Guide estimates. I use “final estimate” to refer to the cost-effectiveness you should expect, after considering your initial estimate and making adjustments for the key other factors: your prior distribution and the “estimate error” variance around the initial estimate. The following chart illustrates the relationship between your initial estimate and final estimate based on the above assumptions.

Note that there is an inflection point (X=1), past which point your final estimate falls as your initial estimate rises. With such a rough estimate, the maximum value of your final estimate is 0.5 no matter how high your initial estimate says the value is. In fact, once your initial estimate goes “too high” the final estimated cost-effectiveness falls.

This is in some ways a counterintuitive result. A couple of ways of thinking about it:

  • Informally: estimates that are “too high,” to the point where they go beyond what seems easily plausible, seem – by this very fact – more uncertain and more likely to have something wrong with them. Again, this point applies to very rough back-of-the-envelope style estimates, not to more precise and consistently obtained estimates.
  • Formally: in this model, the higher your estimate of cost-effectiveness goes, the higher the error around that estimate is (both are represented by X), and thus the less information is contained in this estimate in a way that is likely to shift you away from your prior. This will be an unreasonable model for some situations, but I believe it is a reasonable model when discussing very rough (“back-of-the-envelope” style) estimates of good accomplished by disparate charities. The key component of this model is that of holding the “probability that the right cost-effectiveness estimate is actually ‘zero’ [average]” constant. Thus, an estimate of 1 has a 67% confidence interval of 0-2; an estimate of 1000 has a 67% confidence interval of 0-2000; the former is a more concentrated probability distribution.

Now suppose that you make another, independent estimate of the good accomplished by your $1000, for the same charity. Suppose that this estimate is equally rough and comes to the same conclusion: it again has a value of X and a standard deviation of X. So you have two separate, independent “initial estimates” of good accomplished, and both are N(X,X). Properly combining these two estimates into one yields an estimate with the same average (X) but less “estimate error” (standard deviation = X/sqrt(2)). Now the relationship between X and adjusted expected value changes:

Now you have a higher maximum (for the final estimated good accomplished) and a later inflection point – higher estimates can be taken more seriously. But it’s still the case that “too high” initial estimates lead to lower final estimates.

The following charts show what happens if you manage to collect even more independent cost-effectiveness estimates, each one as rough as the others, each one with the same midpoint as the others (i.e., each is N(X,X)).

The pattern here is that when you have many independent estimates, the key figure is X, or “how good” your estimates say the charity is. But when you have very few independent estimates, the key figure is K – how many different independent estimates you have. More broadly – when information quality is good, you should focus on quantifying your different options; when it isn’t, you should focus on raising information quality.

A few other notes:

  • The full calculations behind the above charts are available here (XLS). We also provide another Excel file that is identical except that it assumes a variance for each estimate of X/2, rather than X. This places “0” just inside your 95% confidence interval for the “correct” version of your estimate. While the inflection points are later and higher, the basic picture is the same.
  • It is important to have a cost-effectiveness estimate. If the initial estimate is too low, then regardless of evidence quality, the charity isn’t a good one. In addition, very high initial estimates can imply higher potential gains to further investigation. However, “the higher the initial estimate of cost-effectiveness, the better” is not strictly true.
  • Independence of estimates is key to the above analysis. In my view, different formal estimates of cost-effectiveness are likely to be very far from independent because they will tend to use the same background data and assumptions and will tend to make the same simplifications that are inherent to cost-effectiveness estimation (see previous discussion of these simplifications here and here).Instead, when I think about how to improve the robustness of evidence and thus reduce the variance of “estimate error,” I think about examining a charity from different angles – asking critical questions and looking for places where reality may or may not match the basic narrative being presented. As one collects more data points that support a charity’s basic narrative (and weren’t known to do so prior to investigation), the variance of the estimate falls, which is the same thing that happens when one collects more independent estimates. (Though it doesn’t fall as much with each new data point as it would with one of the idealized “fully independent cost-effectiveness estimates” discussed above.)
  • The specific assumption of a normal distribution isn’t crucial to the above analysis. I believe (based mostly on a conversation with Dario Amodei) that for most commonly occurring distribution types, if you hold the “probability of 0 or less” constant, then as the midpoint of the “estimate/estimate error” distribution approaches infinity the distribution becomes approximately constant (and non-negligible) over the area where the prior probability is non-negligible, resulting in a negligible effect of the estimate on the prior.While other distributions may involve later/higher inflection points than normal distributions, the general point that there is a threshold past which higher initial estimates no longer translate to higher final estimates holds for many distributions.

The GiveWell approach
Since the beginning of our project, GiveWell has focused on maximizing the amount of good accomplished per dollar donated. Our original business plan (written in 2007 before we had raised any funding or gone full-time) lays out “ideal metrics” for charities such as

number of people whose jobs produce the income necessary to give them and their families a relatively comfortable lifestyle (including health, nourishment, relatively clean and comfortable shelter, some leisure time, and some room in the budget for luxuries), but would have been unemployed or working completely non-sustaining jobs without the charity’s activities, per dollar per year. (Systematic differences in family size would complicate this.)

Early on, we weren’t sure of whether we would find good enough information to quantify these sorts of things. After some experience, we came to the view that most cost-effectiveness analysis in the world of charity is extraordinarily rough, and we then began using a threshold approach, preferring charities whose cost-effectiveness is above a certain level but not distinguishing past that level. This approach is conceptually in line with the above analysis.

It has been remarked that “GiveWell takes a deliberately critical stance when evaluating any intervention type or charity.” This is true, and in line with how the above analysis implies one should maximize cost-effectiveness. We generally investigate charities whose estimated cost-effectiveness is quite high in the scheme of things, and so for these charities the most important input into their actual cost-effectiveness is the robustness of their case and the number of factors in their favor. We critically examine these charities’ claims and look for places in which they may turn out not to match reality; when we investigate these and find confirmation rather than refutation of charities’ claims, we are finding new data points that support what they’re saying. We’re thus doing something conceptually similar to “increasing K” according to the model above. We’ve recently written about all the different angles we examine when strongly recommending a charity.

We hope that the content we’ve published over the years, including recent content on cost-effectiveness (see the first paragraph of this post), has made it clear why we think we are in fact in a low-information environment, and why, therefore, the best approach is the one we’ve taken, which is more similar to investigative journalism or early-stage research (other domains in which people look for surprising but valid claims in low-information environments) than to formal estimation of numerical quantities.

As long as the impacts of charities remain relatively poorly understood, we feel that focusing on robustness of evidence holds more promise than focusing on quantification of impact.

*This implies that the variance of your estimate error depends on the estimate itself. I think this is a reasonable thing to suppose in the scenario under discussion. Estimating cost-effectiveness for different charities is likely to involve using quite disparate frameworks, and the value of your estimate does contain information about the possible size of the estimate error. In our model, what stays constant across back-of-the-envelope estimates is the probability that the “right estimate” would be 0; this seems reasonable to me.